In August 2009, US attorney general Eric Holder expanded the remit of the prosecutor looking at the tapes destruction, John Durham, to include the torture program, much as the Senate committee had. And one is, basically, they provided inaccurate information to support the use of EITs,” or enhanced interrogation techniques, the agency’s preferred euphemism for torture. Feinstein raised hers back, and threatened to send subpoenas to the CIA. After college, he worked as a middle school teacher with Teach For America, an AmeriCorps national service program. He would say no. Starting in October 2011, Feinstein had him send pieces of the report to the committee, Democrats and Republicans, so no one was taken by surprise. His life would never be the same. [8], Jones' investigative work on the Senate Intelligence Committee was detailed in a three-part series in The Guardian in September 2016. And the CIA, Jones knew, had a very recent history of destroying videotapes recording torture. Last modified on Fri 14 Jul 2017 14.45 EDT. As long as Jones had the document, that is. Stephen Preston, the CIA’s lead attorney, stood in the hallway outside his office and insisted he be able to attend the meeting, explicitly to monitor what they discussed on behalf of Panetta. Behind closed doors in the Hart building, Jones presented his findings to the committee on 11 February 2009. Panetta wanted a different arrangement. Sticking to his plan, Jones arrived on the Hill in January 2007, where his intelligence credentials helped find him a place working for Jay Rockefeller, a West Virginia Democrat and the chairman of the Senate intelligence committee. It was the first time the committee had learned about the documentation of one of the agency’s major operations. "[3], Jones was a Fellow at Harvard's Carr Center for Human Rights Policy from 2017 to 2019. On 7 February 2013, Obama confidant John Brennan had his confirmation hearing with the panel to run his beloved CIA. The entire premise of the intelligence committees, established in the 1970s, was their unique fitness within Congress to handle classified material in order to provide accountability on secret agencies. Later in 2010, CIA got rid of the clunky old search tool, following longstanding complaints from both Jones and Durham’s investigators, and replaced the network search function with a Google interface. Jones walked to his car and drove to the satellite CIA office. Documents did not actually arrive until 22 June, and then, they were maddeningly difficult to search through, as the agency insisted on using an obscure and not terribly functional search tool. But the consequence of that decision was profound. Feinstein had already complained about that to Bond in early April. Without Durham specifying who at CIA he did and did not need to interview, Jones could interview no one, as the CIA would not make available for congressional interview people potentially subject to criminal penalty. Outrage was swift and, while tilted toward the Democrats, bipartisan, to include the éminences grises of the 9/11 commission. “What’s so shocking about that is that we thought this problem – the CIA providing inaccurate information to the president – was limited to the Bush administration, to [ex-directors] Tenet, Goss and Hayden. The CIA was forecasting the provision of between three and six million pages of relevant documents. Key CIA leaders defending the agency against the committee, including Brennan and former director Michael Morrell, are reportedly seeking to run Langley under Hillary Clinton. What’s so shocking about that is that we thought this problem … was limited to the Bush administration. Accountability for torture has been the exclusive province of a committee investigation greeted with antipathy by Obama. Around then, the CIA’s contractor staff largely turned over. The CIA did not produce any documents until the middle of 2008. At one point, he was even detailed to the CIA. Unlike most congressional panels, the vast majority of its work occurs in secret. For years, he had been in possession of a specific agency document that not only supported those conclusions, it reached them itself – what a senator on the committee, Mark Udall of Colorado, would later call a “smoking gun”. To the credit of the agency personnel who were working on it, they were very detailed. It had taken over a year to investigate just two interrogations related to the tapes, and in truth, primarily one, as Nashiri did not come into CIA custody at the Thai black site until December 2002, the tail end of the period Jones and Starzak investigated. He was ensuring its preservation so Congress could exercise its constitutionally mandated oversight on an agency with a vivid recent history of document destruction on precisely this issue. Senate investigator breaks silence about CIA's 'failed coverup' of torture report, Daniel Jones: the Senate staffer spied on by the CIA – video, 'A constitutional crisis': the CIA turns on the Senate, No looking back: the CIA torture report's aftermath, Daniel Jones: the Senate staffer spied on by the CIA, look forward as opposed to looking backwards, disappointing liberals over national security, Support the Guardian’s fearless journalism by, This article was amended on 10 September 2016. The Senate committee, then controlled by the Democrat Rockefeller, demanded an explanation. Next: ‘A constitutional crisis.’ An incensed CIA spies on Jones. But his future in the bureau was always limited, as he wasn’t a special agent, the field operatives who form the heart of the FBI. It was widely known by 2008 that Abu Zubaydah was tortured. The source of that strain was simple: having read millions of internal emails, cables and accounts of agency torture, Jones had come to believe everything the CIA had told Congress, the Bush and Obama White Houses and the public was a lie. Holder’s decision, ironically, would ultimately hinder the committee more than the CIA, and lead to a criticism that the agency would later use as a cudgel against the Senate. Both Jones and Starzak – who declined comment to the Guardian – knew they would be looking through a soda straw. These are transients. He was a Fellow at Harvard's Carr Center for Human Rights Policy from 2017 to 2019. “I did not think they were going to say: ‘None of this is right, you’re all wrong.’ I expected to receive the Panetta Review,” Jones said. It occurred around only one black site, in Thailand, and concerned just two detainees. Jones agreed to provide new details but would not discuss classified information with the Guardian. There would be no criminal accountability for torture, and it was an open question whether the public would ever read Jones’s report. But since the committee had a more immediate task, Feinstein and the Democrats decided to leverage it. The people who coined that term are gone when the movie opens. (“Those working relationships were professional and I am unaware of any need for bolstering,” the CIA’s Trapani said.) Feinstein, on five different occasions, asked the GOP to rejoin the inquiry, to no avail. The Panetta Review saga would spur a furious CIA to take an extraordinary step: it would spy on its own legislative overseers – especially Jones. On 17 May, the CIA apologized to Feinstein as well. Teach For America logos are trademarks or registered trademarks of Teach For America, Inc. You'll find great content in your inbox soon. Then they pointed the finger at the White House, suggesting that Obama’s attorneys ordered them to remove the documents – a much bigger accusation, with serious implications.

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